Marketing - Real-World Write-ups Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Marketing - Real-World Write-ups - Essay Example Nevertheless, MTV does not actually target Generation X (1965 to 1979) since 2009 after observing decline in viewership and subsequently in revenues. MTV, therefore, introduced new TV shows, reality programs and series such as ‘Jersey Shore’, ‘16 and Pregnant’, ‘Teen Mom’, ‘My Life as Liz’, ‘The Hard Times of RJ Berger’ and ‘Skins’ for the younger consumers to enhance viewership, relationships with advertisers and financial revenues from advertising and sponsorships. The popularity of teenage singer (16 years) Justin Bieber has compelled MTV to sponsor his programs for enhancing its reach among teens with unique tastes and preferences, while having stable buying power and income. However, exposure of eroticism and sexual content in ‘Skins’ also adversely impacted MTV because its advertising partners do not endorse such vulgarity and consider that act against their Code of Conduct. For instance, the audience also declined by 50%, thereby validating that negative entertainment is not acceptable at all. In conclusion, MTV has once again increased its viewership because of its innovation and differentiation strategies, thereby enabling TV channel to enhance stakeholders’ inclination towards MTV.

Objectivist Epistemology and Ayn Rand Essay Example for Free

Objectivist Epistemology and Ayn Rand Essay The starting point of Objectivist Epistemology is the principle, presented by Rand as a direct consequence of the metaphysical axiom that Existence is Identity, that Knowledge is Identification. Objectivist epistemology[9] studies how one can translate perception, i. e. , awareness acquired through the senses, into valid concepts that actually identify the facts of reality. Objectivism states that by the method of reason man can gain knowledge (identification of the facts of reality) and rejects philosophical skepticism. Objectivism also rejects faith and feeling as means of attaining knowledge. Although Rand acknowledged the importance of emotion in humans, she maintained that the existence of emotion was part of our reality, not a separate means of achieving awareness of reality. Rand was neither a classical empiricist (like Hume or the logical positivists) nor a classical rationalist (like Plato, Descartes, or Frege). She disagreed with the empiricists mainly in that she considered perception to be simply sensation extended over time, limiting the scope of perception to automatic, pre-cognitive awareness. Thus, she categorized so-called perceptual illusions as errors in cognitive interpretation due to complexity of perceptual data. She held that objective identification of the values of attributes of existents is obtained by measurement, broadly defined as procedures whose perceptual component, the comparison of the attributes value to a standard, is so simple that an error in the resulting identification is not possible given a focused mind. Therefore, according to Rand, knowledge obtained by measurement (the fact that an entity has the measured attribute, and the value of this attribute relative to the standard) is contextually certain. Ayn Rands most distinctive contribution in epistemology is her theory that concepts are properly formed by measurement omission. Objectivism distinguishes valid concepts from poorly formed concepts, which Rand calls anti-concepts. While we can know that something exists by perception, we can only identify what exists by measurement and logic, which are necessary to turn percepts into valid concepts. Procedural logic (defined by Rand as the art of non-contradictory identification) specifies that a valid concept is formed by omitting the variable measurements of the values of corresponding attributes of a set of instances or units, but keeping the list of shared attributes a template with measurements omitted as the criterion of membership in the conceptual class. When the fact that a unit has all the attributes on this list has been verified by measurement, then that unit is known with contextual certainty to be a unit of the given concept. [9] Because a concept is only known to be valid within the range of the measurements by which it was validated, it is an error to assume that a concept is valid outside this range, which is its (contextual) scope. It is also an error to assume that a proposition is known to be valid outside the scope of its concepts, or that the conclusion of a syllogism is known to be valid outside the scope of its premises. Rand ascribed scope violation errors in logic to epistemological intrinsicism. [9][4] Rand did not consider the analytic-synthetic distinction, including the view that there are truths in virtue of meaning, or that necessary truths and mathematical truths are best understood as truths in virtue of meaning, to have merit. She similarly denied the existence of a priori knowledge. Rand also considered her ideas distinct from foundationalism, naive realism about perception like Aristotle, or representationalism (i. e. , an indirect realist who believes in a veil of ideas) like Descartes or Locke. Objectivist epistemology, like most other philosophical branches of Objectivism, was first presented by Rand in Atlas Shrugged. [5] It is more fully developed in Rands 1967 Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology. [9] Rand considered her epistemology and its basis in reason so central to her philosophy that she remarked, I am not primarily an advocate of capitalism, but of egoism; and I am not primarily an advocate of egoism, but of reason. If one recognizes the supremacy of reason and applies it consistently, all the rest follows.

Definitions on the concept of nationalism

Definitions on the concept of nationalism Nationalism is a concept that is not easily defined. There are numerous definitions and forms of what is nationalism, and many of these definitions even overlap. However, there is no one definition that is more adequate than another. Keeping in mind that these definitions are constantly evolving, with thorough analysis and the juxtaposition of arguments set out by eight prominent scholars, a clearer definition of nationalism can be attained. To begin with, the most well know definition today is from Professor Anthony Smith. He states that nationalism is simply an ideological movement for attaining and maintaining autonomy, unity and identity for a population which some of its members deem to constitute an actual or potential nation (Smith, 2001). In this definition, Smith reveals what he believes the three main goals of nationalism are: autonomy, national unity, and national identity. Even Smiths profound definition has not been available for very long considering he was born in 1933. Although there is much argument on the definition of nationalism, Smith agrees that there is one main point of agreement and that is that the term nationalism is a modern phenomenon (Smith, 2001). Civic nationalism is basically defined as a group of people which have a certain loyalty to civic rights or laws and pledge to abide by these laws. Ethnic nationalism is basically a group that possesses a common culture, language, land, etc. It is more specific in terms of who can be in it (McGregor, 2010). Smith writes that every nationalism contains civic and ethnic elements in varying degrees and different forms. Sometimes civic and territorial elements predominate; at other times it is the ethnic and vernacular components that are emphasized (Smith, 2001). Smiths most popular argument features civic and ethnic types of nationalism as opposed to eastern and western types. Even more specifically, Smith makes the distinction between both civic and ethnic nationalisms. He also believes that Many modern nations are formed around pre-existing, and often pre-modern, ethnic cores (Smith, 2001). Smith is claiming that nations had pre-existing-origins prior to their new origins of their new nation. One of the most important arguments by critics is that the civic and ethnic viewpoint of nationalism collapses too much on the ethnic category (Shulman, 2002). Smiths definition seems to be the foundation for nationalism, although he ce rtainly was not the first to attempt to define it. Other scholars go in to more detail on certain elements of the definition, but most relate back to Smiths original definition. On the contrary to Anthony Smiths definition of nationalism pertaining to the civic and ethnic type, Hans Kohn has argued that the two main types of nationalism are eastern and western. His definition states, Nationalism is a state of mind, in which the supreme loyalty of the individual is felt to be due to the nation-state (Kohn, 1965). Kohns argument includes both eastern and western types of nationalism which refer to Eastern and Western Europe. Eastern nationalism conceived the nation as an organic community, united by culture, language and descent (McGregor 2010). This particular idea could possibly be related to Smiths ethnic type of nationalism. Western nationalism conceived the nation as a political and civic community, held together by voluntary adherence to democratic norms (McGregor 2010). Again, western nationalism could be perceived as a civic type of nationalism. This can be recognized as two similar classifications on two unfamiliar grounds. Kohn believes that national ism relates directly with eastern and western Europe and that it is also where the state of mind of nationalism originated. The main criticism of Kohns classification of nationalism is him being over simplistic. He certainly does not go into as much detail as Smith on the definition. He also relates only towards Europe which is why he is being identified as over simplistic. Next, Carlton J. H. Hayes definition of nationalism states, Loyalty and attachment to the interior of the group (namely the nation and homeland) are the basis of nationalism (Hayes, 1926). In this definition, a common cultural background and a common cultural group are considered the main factors in forming a nation (Naqvi, Ali). That remains true with most of the definitions of nationalism. Hayes definition of nationalism seems to be more specific to the ethnic ties toward nationalism. In other words, Hayes is saying that land, language, and blood are the basis of nationalism. He is saying that nation is something to be proud of (Naqvi, Ali). Hayes also believes that these ethnic qualities are the most important; even religion does not compare.   It is attachment to nationality that gives direction to ones individual and social postures, not attachment to religion and ideology. A human being takes pride in his national achievements and feels dependent on its cultural heritage, not on the history of religion and his faith (Hayes, 1926). This quote further proves Hayess view on nationalism and how it relates to ones culture and past, and specifically not related to religion at all. The reason Hayess definition is unique from others, is his emphasis on the fact that religion is not a factor in forming a nation. To further specify Hayess definition on nationalism he says, What distinguishes one human being from another are not their beliefs, but their birth-place, homeland, language and race. Those who are within the four walls of the homeland and nation, belong to it, and those who are outside it, are aliens. It is on the basis of these factors that the people have a feeling of sharing a single destiny and a common past. (Hayes, 1926). This quote goes hand in hand with Hayess definition of nationalism and just further explains it. According to Hayes, nationalism does not exist without that ethnic background. Furthermore, according to scholar Benedict Anderson, nationalism is, a new emerging nation imagines itself to be antique (Anderson, 2003). This is similar to how Anthony Smith and Carlton Hayes defined nationalism. It is mostly like Smiths ethnic nationalism, which focuses more on the origin of the nation. Anderson focuses more on modern Nationalism and suggests that it forms its attachment through language, especially through literature (Anderson, 2003). Of particular importance to Andersons theory is his stress on the role of printed literature (Anderson, 2003). In Andersons mind, the development of nationalism is linked with printed literature and the growth of these printed works. People were able to read about nationalism in a common dialect and that caused nationalism to mature (Anderson, 2003). Andersons definition of nationalism and nation differ greatly from other scholars. He defines nation as an imagined political community (Anderson 2003). He believes this because the nat ion is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. Ultimately it is this fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willingly to die for such limited imaginings (Anderon, 2003). Not only is Andersons theory distinctive because of the printed literature theory, but also because it is the imagined political community. Another prominent Nationalist researcher, Ernest Gellner states that, nationalism is primarily a political principle that holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent (Gellner, 1983). Gellner was once a teacher of Anthony Smith. Although most scholars would agree that nationalism appeared after the French Revolution, Gellner further argues that nationalism became a sociological necessity in the modern world (Gellner, 1983). His argument is similar to the uniqueness of Benedict Andersons printed literature theory, but Gellner focuses more on the industrialization of work and cultural modernization to explain how nationalism expanded (Zeulow, 1999). Gellner believes that states only exist where there is division of labour, therefore the state comes before nationalism (Gellner, 1983). Like other scholars, Gellner believes that nationalism is a political force. Gellner also stresses the congruency of nation and politics. He does not believe one can occur without the other one. There are many criticisms to Ernest Gellners theory, including Anthony Smith saying, It misreads the relationship between nationalism and industrialization (Smith 1998). Not all of the critics view Gellners theory as a misread. Most agree that he is the father of nationalism studies and most say that his nationalism work was brilliant (University of Wales Press). One can usually relate their definition of nationalism with Ernest Gellner or Anthony Smith. Gellner stresses the importance of the political side, while Smith puts the importance on cultural. Neither are right or wrong, just a difference of opinion. Historian John Breuilly defends a more modern theory of nationalism, similar to Benedict Andersons. In reference to nationalism, he concludes, The rise of the modern state system provides the institutional context within which an ideology of nationalism is necessary (Breuilly 1985). Breuilly argues that the process of state modernization provides an important factor in understanding historical signs of nationalism (Cormier, 2001). Breuilly argues that nationalism does not have much to do with ethnicity or ethnic background, but rather more to do with political motivation. Breuilly is not the first scholar who believed that ethnic background had nothing to do with nationalism. In fact, Breuillys definition relates well to Gellners in the sense that they both argue in favor of political motivation. Nationalists are seen to create their own ideology out of their own subjective sense of national culture. (Breuilly, 1982). This particular quote is quite similar to Andersons imagined polit ical community theory in that Breuilly does not support the ethnic side of nationalism nearly as much as others nationalists. Breuilly criticizes most scholars due to the fact that they believe in national culture because he believes that there is no such thing. He believes that the political component of nationalism is by far the most important. Breuilly indicates in his definition the importance of the state system; hence the political force necessary for nationalism to occur. Next, Michael Hechter defines nationalism as a, collective action designed to render the boundaries of the nation congruent with those of its governance unit (Hechter, 2000). He further explains, Nation and governance can be made congruent by enacting exclusive policies that limit full membership in the polity to individuals from on one more favoured nations (Hechter, 2000). Hechter stresses the importance of the correspondence of the government and the boundaries of the nation; much like Breuilly in the sense that both of them indicate that nationalism requires congruency for it to take place. In Hechters book, Containing Nationalism, he expresses his belief that the reason nationalism occurs is because of self-determination. Hechter further explains his definition and clarifies that there are two different types of nationalism. The first one is of the ideology of freedom and he gives the example of the French Revolution. The second form is xenophobic or even goes as far as genocide (Hechter). This explains where the different views of nationalism come in; civic versus ethnic or eastern versus western. Furthermore, Hechter defines the two different types of nationalism to even more specific forms of nationalism that go beyond his original definition. These definitions include: state-building nationalism, peripheral nationalism, irredentist nationalism, and unification nationalism (Hechter, 2000). Hechter doesnt argue that there are two definitions of nationalism like other scholars do, but he concludes that nationalism is specific to the means of each and every situation. In Peter Alters definition of Nationalism, he states, Nationalism is a political force which has been more important in shaping the history of Europe and the world over the last two centuries than the ideas of freedom and parliamentary democracy or, let alone, of communism (Alter, 1994). His argument is similar to John Breuilly in the sense that he agrees that there is a strong emphasis on nationalism being a political force. Alter is saying that it has everything to do with being a political movement instead of the idea of freedom. In reference to nationalism, Alter states, It can be associated with forces striving for political, social, economic and cultural emancipation, as well as with those whose goal oppression (Alter, 1994). His outlook on nationalism seems much broader than other scholars. This particular reference virtually sums up many scholars definitions together. Alter does not seem to have a specific argument on nationalism, as in civic vs. ethnic or western vs. eastern but just an acceptance that nationalism could be based on all of these arguments. Again, Alter says, It can mean emancipation, and it can mean oppressionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ dangers as well as opportunities (Alter, 1994). There is no precise argument when he tries to define nationalism even though he does have the idea that nationalism is directly related to a political force. Alter also states that nationalism was important to shaping Europe, however most scholars agree with that statement to begin with. Most modern scholars would relate to Alters style of defining nationalism. In conclusion, the definition of nationalism is not easily defined and scholars that have tried to define it differ, in some amount of detail, from each other. Each scholar seems to have his own uniqueness and input to the definition, however, these definitions tend to pertain to one certain area of nationalism. According to the eight previous scholars, there are a myriad of styles of nationalism including: political, cultural, ethnic, civic, eastern, and western. Many aspirations are desired because of nationalism, including establishment of homeland, separation, expansion, etc. Although the definition of nationalism is essentially particularistic, scholars have been able to identify a few common ideologies. Some common ground includes; most scholars agree that nationalism started after the French Revolution. They also agree that nationalism occurs because of a desire for national independence. Scholars are always doing research and finding new things which will result in new defini tions. Most of the most protrusive definitions of nationalism have come about in the last fifty or so years, so no telling what scholars might come up with in future years.

Napoleon :: French History, French Revolution

Napoleon Bonaparte once said, â€Å"Nothing has been simpler than my elevation†¦It is owing to the peculiarities of the time.† Coming to power at a time of instability and disorder in France immediately following the French Revolution, Napoleon quickly established himself as the political leader and military power behind France. Easily and efficiently overthrowing the poorly managed Directory, Napoleon established a three man governing body referred to as the Consulate. Naming himself Consul for Life in 1802, and crowning himself emperor in 1804, Napoleon made it clear that is was a time of dramatic change in France. Although establishing himself as an absolute ruler, Napoleon did it all with the support of the people, through the use of a plebiscite. Obviously a man that held immense power, Napoleon has been credited with many great successes. To the people of France, Napoleon was a savior, a man who could, despite being an autocrat, implement the ideals of the French R evolution. Establishing order, giving the French people a sense of security, and running his government smoothly became Napoleon’s priorities. Through a variety of reforms including, centralizing the government, establishing public education, instituting religious tolerance specifically signing the Concordat of 1801, and stimulating the economy, Napoleon won the support of French people across the classes, including the peasantry who in years previous had suffered greatly under absolute rulers. One of Napoleon’s most lasting reforms was his installment of the Napoleonic Code, a set of laws that reflected the idea of equality so evidently bannered throughout the French Revolution. Napoleon was able to capture the attention of the French people through every facet except absolutism.

A Brief History of the Chinese in the Philippine Essay

According to The History of the Sung Dynasty or Sung Shi, published in 1343-1374, China already had trade relations with the people in the Philippines as early as the tenth century (AD 982) (Miclat, 2000). By the time of the Sung Dynasty (860-1127), Chinese colonies were already founded in some towns by the coast. During the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) , colonies were already found in the hinterlands (Agoncillo, 1990). When the Spanish arrived in Manila in 1571 the resident population of Chinese in the area was around one hundred and fifty. Many of them were traders in Chinese merchant ships. The Chinese said they were seng-li (or xang lai), which meant â€Å"we are traders† (Gardner). The Spanish eventually called them Sangley, which is derived from the Hokkien word seng-di or seng-li meaning â€Å"business† (Mempin, 2009). The Chinese established themselves near Spanish communities, taking on important roles as food providers, retail traders and artisans. The Spanish soon became dependent on the Chinese economically; after all, they provided many of the goods shipped to Europe through Mexico by the Manila galleon trade . However, because of cultural differences, there were also mutual feelings of distrust. There came a time when the population of Chinese outnumbered the Spanish, who were afraid that they would revolt (Wickberg, 1964). Because of this, in 1582, the Spanish required the Chinese to live in a walled compound called the Parian, which soon became the commercial center of the area (Gardner). By the sixteenth century, there was a royal order for all Chinese to be expelled from the Philippines and the Parian , evacuated. However, Governor Dasmarinas knew that the City of Manila, which was the largest Spanish settlement, were dependent on the Chinese for economic services. Governor Dasmarinas bought some land across the river from the walled city of Intramuros and turned it over to a group of known Chinese merchants and artisans, for the purpose of creating a new Chinese settlement. The intention was to formally obey the royal order, while at the same time, making sure that the Chinese would continue to provide good and services for the Spanish. The land grant was tax-free and given in perpetuity. This settlement came to be known as Binondo. In the beginning, there were no religious or cultural issues involved, but when the Spanish Dominican priests were assigned to Binondo, they turned it into a community of married Catholic Chinese and their. By the year 1600, the population was around five hundred or more, and the first generation of mestizos (mixed Chinese-native ancestry) had appeared (Wickberg, 1964). In time, Binondo came to be known as the community of Chinese and Chinese mestizos who had been baptized and converted to Catholicism, and Parian was where the n0n-Catholic Chinese lived. In the nineteenth century, there was a mass emigration of Chinese into other parts of the world as a result of wars, starvation, corruption and civil unrest in mainland China. This was called the â€Å"Chinese Diaspora†. Most of these Chinese who went overseas came from maritime provinces like Fujian, Guangdong and Hainan (Overseas Chinese, 2008). In the Philippines, most of the Chinese who immigrated in the second half of the nineteenth century came from Fujian on the southeastern coast of China (Dolan, 1991). One of these sub-provinces of Fujian is Xiamen, also commonly known as Amoy. The term Amoy became known when Xiamen became a treaty port after the 1st Opium War (1839-42), and is thought to have come from the island’s name â€Å"Ah Mo† in the local dialect (Brown, 2007). In those days, it was common for newly baptized Chinese immigrants to incorporate his baptismal sponsor’s name after his own. Let us take, for instance, the case of Don Pedro Gotiaco who is the ancestor of today’s wealthy Gokongwei clan. When he was baptized, Don Pedro’s baptismal sponsor was Don Mariano Singson, from a well-known mestizo family. Don Pedro incorporated his sponsor’s name into his own, which was commonly done those days. The sponsor or â€Å"padrino† was considered a necessary protector for a new immigrant like Don Pedro.

gun controll essays

gun controll essays A. Its is very obvious that our gun controll laws are not sufficient. 1. explain a few reasons why these laws are not working 2. tell you a few solutions i might have to make things better. A. guns dont kill people, people kill people b. Trigger locks and responsible parenting are an easy fix. c. In one year, firearms killed no children in Japan, 19 in Great Britain, 57 in Germany, 109 in France, 153 in Canada, and 5,285 in the United States. (www.handguncontroll.com) a. Trigger locks and warning labels are not going to fix a single thing in this situation. b. People kill each other if they want to, not because the gun told them to. c. Capital punishment (death penalty or worse) would discourage a whole lot of people from commiting crimes. d. Take away guns... people will use knives or hammers e. Give every one a gun... Im scared, arent you A. claimed the company declined to incorporate safety devices and warnings that would help prevent accidental shootings. B. Sued to compensate for cost of law enforcement and medical expenses. 2. Boston vs. Smith and Wesson Corp. D. Claimed they created public nuisance, neglegency failed to create safer designs and provide warnings about the danger of guns. E. Sued to compensate for costs of law enforcement and medical expenses 1. James S. Brady was the Reagans White House Press Secretary 2. Shot on March 30, 1981 when John Hickley attempeted to assassinate President Reagan 3. On November 30, 1993, President Clinton signed the "Brady Bill", a bill named in Mr. Brady's honor, into law. The Brady law requires a national waiting period and background check on a ...